Mi reflekshon 17 ougùstùs 1795

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E último di e dos revolushonnan kontra sklabitut na Kòrsou a tuma lugá na 1795, influensiá pa e revolushon Haitiano. E promé tabata na 1750. Kontrali na otro islanan den Karibe ku a konosé revolushonnan kontra sklabitut te mas o ménos 1850, Kòrsou -despues di 1795 te 1863 ku a abolí sklabitut- no a konosé mas lantamentu.

Riba 17 ougùstùs 2019 nos ta konmemorá 224 aña di e último revolushon kontra sklabitut. Esaki ta mi reflekshon.

Ayera, víktima di diskriminashon awe nos mes ta diskriminá otro pa motibo di sekso, klase ekonómiko, orígen, status di refugiado i preferensia seksual. Un tempu nos mester a sigui siegamente lokual kolonia imponé ku pa definishon ta benefisiá e kolonisadó. Awe nos tin derechi di voto i ta skohe hende kuestionabel, inkapas, denigrante di komportashon i asta ta sigi sostené esnan ku a bende nos isla ku estranheronan pa benefisio personal. Ayera a lucha i asta drama sanger pa libertat. Awe e peliger mas grandi pa nos libertat i outonomia ta nos inabilidat pa atendé nos asuntunan na drechi.

Ketu bai nos ta hunga víktima di sklabitut i kolonialismo enbes di atendé seriamente ku e demoñonan di nos pasado i asumí responsabilidat. I kisas mas prekupante ta nos estado mental manera Pater Michael Mohlmann a deskribí den Het Spiegelbeeld van de Antillen (1951). Nos ta sikológikamente desbalansá pasombra (inkonsientemente) nos ta atmirá i imitá esnan ku a kolonisá i eduká nos via di nan sistema kolonial. Di otro banda nos no ta asumí responsabilidat pa sòru pa nos bienestar. Pa kompensá e bashí nos ta buya ku material ku hopi biaha nos no por ‘afford’, kreando suidadanonan komediante sin ku nos ta akseptá ku en realidat a internalisá un kultura di kompleho di inferioridat.

Mi sa ku no ta tur lo ta di akuerdo. Esei no ta importante. Komo desendiente di muhénan katibu prosedente di lokual awe ta Mali i ku via Boneiru a pisa Kòrsou na final di siglo 18, mi tambe ta karga un sikraris di sklabitut. Nos no por lubidá nos pasado. Pero nos pasado ta duna nos ningun derecho pa kometé e mesun fayonan ku otronan a kometé ku nos. Manera hende grandi nos mester atendé ku e dolónan. Kada un di nos mester traha pa no laga e pasado aki ta e faktor ku ta limitá nos realisá nos potensial.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

We’ve seen this movie before: dollarization

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We’ve seen this movie before. Someone shows up with a magic plan claiming it will create growth and abundance. We’ve watched many of these ‘winning horses’ trotting down Fantasy Street only to never be seen again: offshore gas and oil, Guandong Zhenrong, space rockets, Formula 1 Grand Prix and so on. From time to time somebody will recycle an old idea, a bad old idea as cure-all: dollarization.

Dollarization means replacing the Netherlands Antillean Guilder (ANG) with the US dollar (USD) as legal tender. This could lower transaction costs and interest rates benefitting international trade and foreign investments. However, some of our Central Bank’s (CBCS) tasks especially the lender of last resort for local banks facing financial stress, will disappear. The CBCS will also have to buy back the ANG for which large quantity of USD is needed plus reserves to help support economic shocks. Dollarization will eliminate seigniorage earnings, which is the income of the CBCS from issuing the ANG minus the cost of printing, leading to less income to the government.

In 1985, facing economic downturn, dollarization was also presented as a wundermittel which would force politicians to make structural changes. Not once, but twice the International Monetary Fund cautioned against dollarization as did the University of the Netherlands Antilles. In 2008 the Central Bank again proposed rapid dollarization. This, just when the same Central Bank declared earlier it favored Curaçao becoming a EU Ultra-peripheral region (UPG). By the way, all UPGs use the Euro. Dollarization disappeared from the headlines to reappear this week.

This begs the question: if dollarization is a cure-all, why hasn’t the majority of developing nations dollarized  because of crises instead of only a handful of them like Ecuador, El Salvador and Zimbabwe. Studies have yet to conclude if it was a wise choice. Interestingly, Ecuador recently forced its banks and financial institutions to adopt a new electronic currency in an apparent move to de-dollarize. Dollarization an sich doesn’t bring about changes such as modernizing the economic structures, curtailing spending and raising productivity. Political action, does.

Instead of taking our own responsibility to tackle structural shortcomings, we prefer outside forces such as ‘aanwijzing’ and US dollars to force us to do what we know only too well we should be doing. Why?  This is not the autonomy our forefathers fought for.

Finally, I think the CBCS should have other priorities at this moment such as redesigning itself  after a series of scandals, finally replacing the ANG which it promised to do short after 2010 and tackling our dysfunctional monetary union.

Willemstad, Curaçao

Pakiko a prohibí bati Huda na Kòrsou?

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Bati Huda na Kòrsou ta un aktividat di orígen religioso kaminda ta bati ku palu figura di un hende ku un grupo ta konsiderá un traidó. Segun Beibel Huda tabata un traidó. Último tempu e aktividat a gana na popularidat. Bati Huda tabata prohibí pa vários siglo. Dikon?

For di tempu ku Katólikonan tabata organisá komo Apostolado, tabata un kustumber pa riba Bièrnè Santu pone bandera na “halve stok” i traha un pòpchi representando Huda ku tabata keda batí públikamente. Bièrnè Santu 27 mart 1682, manera kustumber a bati Huda serka di bahia Santa Ana. E loke a kousa konsternashon ta ku e Huda a resultá di ta un representashon idéntiko di e Rabino di Hudiunan di Kòrsou. Gobernashon na Wilemstad, ku ya na vários okashon a atvertí pa intoleransia religioso, a konsiderá lokual a pasa inakseptabel i via dekreto a prohibí tur aktividat di bati Huda. E prohibishon a dura pa algun siglo.

Mester wak e konteksto di e medida. Segun kálkulonan, na 1700 Hudiunan na Kòrsou tabata surpasá otro religionnan na Kòrsou. Katólikonan no tabata kontentu i no kier a akseptá ku nan tabata pèrdiendo poder. Den un karta na su superiornan Oropeo, Pater Schabel ta pinta un otro kuadro: “Ik heb nog niemand ontmoet die protestant of Jood zou willen worden […] Er gaat dan ook niemand van hen naar de kerk van de protestanten of de Synagoge.”

Na Kòrsou klaramente tabata reina intoleransia religioso. Un intoleransia ku no ta manifestá su mes klaramente mas, pero si riba otro tereno manera orígen, klase emonómiko, koló, sekso i preferensia seksual. Nos historia ta karakterisá pa un toleransia superfisial pa gruponan di diferente segmento basta ‘nan sa nan lugá i keda na nan lugá’.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

Fuente: Archivo Nashonal, Kerkgeschiedenis Antillen, Pater Brada (1963)

Parti 2: Publiká lei pa regulá salarionan astronómiko

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Debí na enorme reakshon riba mi artíkulo tokante e lei pa reglamentá salarionan astronómiko den entidatnan di gobièrnu ku a keda aprobá pa Staten, pero ku no a drenta na vigor, https://alexdavidrosaria.blog/2019/08/05/publika-lei-pa-regla-salario-na-nvs-ku-a-pasa-staten-2016/, mi ta amplia riba algun punto.

Reglamentashon di salario den kompanianan di gobièrnu ta un di e aspektonan di e lei aprobá pa Staten na ougùstûs 2016, Landsverordening Optimalisatie Overheidsgelieerde Entiteiten. Konforme Programa di Gobernashon 2013-2016 mester a reformá i kaminda nesesario, regulá e kuadro den kua entidatnan ligá ku gobièrnu ta operá pa drecha kalidat di servisio, baha salario i e kostonan haltu di operashon i minimalisá e riesgo pa finansa públiko.

For di Verantwoording- en overdrachtsdocument van de minister van Financiën augustus, 2016, mi ta sita e siguiente fasetanan di e lei ya menshoná:

✔️Algemene regels bij het plaatsen van opdrachten waarbij marktwerking en transparantie worden bevorderd;

✔️normen voor specifieke kostenposten (uit efficiëntie en om misbruik te verkomen);

✔️richtlijnen voor de personeelskosten (formatierapporten en variant Balkenendenorm);

✔️rendementseisen en dividendbeleid;

✔️handhavend toezicht vanuit de overheid.

Ta trata pues di un lei amplio ku mester a duna kontesta na e kantidat grandi di reklamo di pueblo pa ku salarionan èksorbitante, reklamo di kliente pa ku servisio i preis di produkto/servisio ofresé. E lei sinembargo nunka a keda publiká. Segun nos konstitushon, ta gobièrnu mester publik’e. Ta prekupante tende e siman aki ku e gabinete aktual no ke publik’e, pero lo traha un lei nobo, lokual lo hiba nos te na 2020 òf 2021 mirando e proseso largu pa yega na un lei.

Nos mester realisá ku posponementu di akshonnan ku debidamente nos sa ku mester tuma, no ta yuda nos. Kada dia sin e lei ku a pasa na 2016, ta nifiká riesgo pa (mas) deterioro finansiero pa kua e gabinete aki resientemente ya a haña un ‘aanwijzing’.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

Publiká lei pa regla salario na NVs ku a pasa Staten 2016

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E dianan aki bo no por bai un kaminda sin tende e disgusto pa ku salarionan astronómiko den instanshanan ligá ku Gobièrnu. Ta parse ku a lubidá ku durante di e periodo 2012-2016 a entregá un konsepto di lei Optimalisatie Overheidsgelieerde Entiteiten ku entre otro ta limitá legalmente e salario di e personal na e instansianan menshoná. Apesar di preshon polítiko i sindikal, e lei a pasa ougùstùs 2016, djis promé ku elekshon. Despues di kasi 3 aña no a publik’é i e no a drenta na vigor.

Hopi di esnan ku awe ta grita kontra di e salarionan haltu, na 2015/2016 a lucha kontra di e lei ku a keda introdusí hustamente pa motibu di prekupashon grandi p’e situashon finansiero di instanshanan ligá ku Gobièrnu i e peso ku e tabata pone riba nos finansa públiko. Su intenshon tabata pa fortifiká nos finansa despues ku a kita e ‘aanwijzing’  ku e Gobièrnu anterior a haña.

E akshonnan di 2012-2016 ku a saka nos pais for di ’aanwijzing’ no mester keda konsiderá komo un remedi di solamente un biaha ku lo keda traha pa semper. Durante 2012-2016 nos krísis tabata un di índole finansiero. E akshonnan tumá tabata pa pone un fundeshi finansiero sólido sin kua, un desaroyo ekonómiko ta imposibel. No ta kuestion ku e ‘pashènt a muri despues di 2016’, pero ku nos a faya di sigui di ta prudente i antisipá riba kambionan mundial ku ta afektá nos situashon.

No por stòp, pero mester sigui ku e inisiativanan Begrotingskamer, Optimalisatie Belastingdienst, OECD Compliance, Centrale Huisvesting i naturalmente Optimalisatie Overheidsgelieerde Entiteiten. Si nos no kontrolá nos finansa, pa semper nos lo keda chambuká ku medidanan finansiero sin por krea e espasio rekerí pa trese e konfiansa ku ta nesesario pa invertí den nos pais.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

They stole an island, forced the population to flee and got away with it

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There are  times when one single story makes us understand evil. This is about how a whole population was forced to live 1,600 km away while their island was turned into a secret military base. It’s about how all their dogs were killed and the population threatened with the same fate if they didn’t leave. At this point you may think this is an article about some brutal dictator like Pol Pot. Think again. The perpetrators were the UK and the US. Neither did it happen in the dark days of colonialism, but in 1971. The victims: the people of Diego Garcia.

Diego Garcia, a small Overseas Territory belonging to the UK, once a paradise–like coral island, lies in the Indian Ocean midway between Africa and Asia. Secret encounters between the US and the UK in the 60s led to a deal making Diego Garcia a top-secret US military base. All of the 2,000 inhabitants, the Chagossians, had to be deported as part of this deal.

In response to the unwillingness of the inhabitants to leave voluntarily, they were first deprived of basic supplies. Then in 1971 all of the pet dogs on the island, about one thousand of them, were gassed to death. The Chagossians threatened with the same faith, had to board the ship Nordvaer with only one suitcase per person. When they arrived in the Seychelles they were imprisoned  before leaving again to their final destination, Mauritius, 1,600 km west of Diego Garcia. In files later discovered, the Chagossians were described by top UK Officials as, “people with little aptitude for anything other than growing coconuts”.

When they arrived in Mauritius not surprisingly cases of suicide, abysmal poverty and prostitution abounded. In 1981 each evicted islander got USD 4,000 from the British Government. Their homes on Diego Garcia, for a great part are now overtaken by the jungle.

Today, Diego Garcia is seen by the US as an ‘indispensable platform for policing the world’. It was pivotal in the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. On Diego Garcia there are about 2,000 US Troops, 30 ships, including nuclear-armed aircraft carriers ready to jump into action.

The British High Court in 2000 ruled that the Chagossians were wrongly evicted. But four years later this decision was nullified by the Queen. In November 2016, a UK-US deal was struck to keep the secret military base, named Camp Justice, until 2036. In 2019, the UN affirmed an earlier 13-1 verdict at the International Court of Justice that found Britain’s rule in Diego Garcia unlawful. The subsequent UN resolution ordered Britain to withdraw within six months. Still, the UK and the US look set to ignore the eviction orders.

No protests on any streets in the world. No Je suis Diego Garcia t-shirts. No mention of these people in the Pope’s sermon. All the Chagossians want is to go back home. The world looks on as injustice prevails.

Willemstad, Curaçao

We love lies as long as they support our views

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Type the most outrageous conspiracy theory you’ve heard of into Google and you’ll find the validation for it. Be it that vaccinations cause autism, fluoride in water will turn you into a communist, some world leaders are reptiles and my favorite, the earth is flat. The internet age readily delivers. The truth apparently depends on how many follow and like you on social media. 

We are part of the problem. People, newspapers, media outlets and most politicians only call out the lies and gossip that contradict their own view, not the ones that support it. As long as the lies and gossips vilify our (perceived) enemies, it’s okay. We rather believe anonymous sources and people who prey on the most vulnerable than verifiable empiric data.

Voters here (and elsewhere) happily vote for those who habitually lie, as long as the lies play to their prejudices. We don’t mind lies –as long as it’s what we want to hear. And giving people the lies they want pays off handsomely at elections. 

Why are some people so vulnerable? According to the Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition, delusion-prone individuals, narrow-minded people and religious fundamentalists are more likely to believe lies. This is related to a failure to be actively open-minded and able to think critically.

Truth is that lies undermine democracies. Some countries have introduced legislation to curb lies and disinformation being spread on the internet. Finland has taken another route. It believes that education and the tradition of reading books are more powerful tools. This approach requires patience, but it could be hastened, if we really want to. Quick fixes and only talk about the problem of lies and gossip, especially when it doesn’t fit our particular goals, won’t cut the mustard. 

Willemstad, Curaçao