Het symbolische eind van de Groot Nederlandse koloniale droom

Het is 1931. Nederland neemt groots deel aan de Internationale Koloniale Tentoonstelling (IKT) te Parijs van mei-november 1931. Dit was dé kans om te pralen met de ‘voortgang van de westerse beschaving in de koloniën en mandaatgebieden’*. Het loopt echter niet goed af voor Nederland.

Het Nederlandse pronkstuk by de IKT was “de idyllische eenheid van Nederland en Nederlands-Indië”. Dit was zichtbaar in de volgens Indonesische experts walgelijke architectonische fusie van de Indonesische- en Nederlandse bouwstijlen van het enorme Nederlandse paviljoen. Ergens in een hoekje bevonden zich de inzendingen van de West waaronder Surinaamse vruchten die volgens de Nieuwe Tilburgsche Courant erg in de smaak vielen bij de ongeveer 5 miljoen bezoekers.

De kosten, rekening houdend met inflatie, van het paviljoen waren tussen 20-25 USD. Merkwaardig sinds de wereld in een diepe economische crisis zat. Blijkbaar was geld geen probleem. Noch de spanningen binnen de koloniale verhouding noch de acties tegen de IKT van de International Liga tegen Imperialisme beletten Den Haag deze theatrale groots Nederlandse koloniale schouwspel op te voeren.

In de nacht van 28 juni 1931 brandde het Nederlandse paviljoen tot op de grond toe af. Van de koloniale eenheidsdroom restte de volgende dag slechts een rokend braakterrein en zwartgeblakerd hout. Maar erger was het feit dat onvervangbare kunstschatten die toebehoorden aan de Nederlandsche koloniën tot as werden gereduceerd.

Was de brand gesticht door anti-imperialisten of was het een ongeluk? Dit vraagstuk is onbeantwoord gebleven. Eén dag na de brand besloot Nederland een vereenvoudigde versie van het paviljoen te bouwen met geld van de verzekering en donateurs, waaronder Koningin Wilhelmina. Volgens Den Haag was de herbouw een ware succesverhaal van “het Nederlandse doorzettingsvermogen”.

Anderen zien het tragische lot van het Nederlandse paviljoen als het symbolische eind van de “Nederlandse beschaving” in Indonesië en in het blootleggen van hoe Nederland omging met de opbrengst van de diefstallen en moorden, gepleegd op het Indonesische volk die in Parijs waren tentoongesteld.

Willemstad, Curaçao

*Bezittingen in Afrika en Azië behorende aan de verslagen mogendheden uit de Eerste Wereldoorlog, die door de Volkenbond onder mandaat werden geplaatst van verschillende overwinnaars.

Un minoria ku no ke bakuná tin nos isla rehén

Un minoria muchu grandi aki na Kòrsou ta pone nos tur su bida na peliger, stroba aktividat ekonómiko, prolongá sufrimentu den nos kasnan pasombra nan no ke bakuná kontra di Covid.

Nan no tin ningun rason basá riba siensia pa nan desishon. Pero teroria di konspirashon si nan tin de sobra:

-“E bakuna a keda kla muchu lihé,” komo si fuera e miónes di hendenan ku a muri promé no ta nada. Ta míles di sientífiko rònt mundu a traha riba un bakuna basá riba sierto trabounan ku ya a keda hasí pa kombati SARS den pasado.

– “Nos fé den religion, brua i kosnan okulto ta protehá nos,”, ounke ku no tin prueba sientífiko pa esaki.

“Mi ta fuerte, salú i mi kurpa mes ta protehami.” Esaki, lubidando ku ounke kon fuerte bo kurpa ta pa protehá abo e no por protehá otronan rònt di bo ku no ta mes fuerte ku bo, manera bo wela. No lubidá ku sierto hende manera esnan bou di tratamentu di kimoterapia no por bakuná. Mas hende ku si por bakuná keda sin bakuná, ta pone e pashèntnan aki di kanser den un peliger grandi.

E asuntu no ta solamente pa bai bakuná, pero pa hasi esaki mas lihé posibel. Mas nos tarda, mas sufrimentu lo tin, mas ekonomia lo bai atras, desempleo lo krese i mas espasio e virus ta haña pa mutua (kambia di forma).

Ami ku si a bai bakuná pa protehá mi mes, mi sernan kerí, pueblo i humanidat no ta dispuesto pa keda rehén di terkedat di un minoria ku no ta kere den bakunashon. Ademas, mi ta kere ku mester tin konsekuensia pa esnan ku ta peligrando salú i pan di hopi hende riba e isla aki i rònt mundu. Esaki ta e siguiente fase.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

Suisidio ta shòk nos: salú mental mester stòp di ta tabú

Manera mayoria hende mi a keda di shòk pa mira kon un persona ta tira su kurpa for di un edifisio pa despues mi lesa su karta di suisidio. Aparentemente e a pèrdè e bataya kontra di depreshon despues di a skond’e i no a buska yudansa profeshonal. Ta di lamentá ku e situashon mester a yega asina leu i mi ta manda mi palabranan di forsa pa famia i amigunan di e defuntu.

E kaso aki ta bolbe demostrá e nesesidat pa dediká mas rekurso na salú mental, prinsipalmente durante di e pandemia aki manera mi a skibi for di aprel 2020. Mas ku tur kos, ekspertonan mester, na un manera habrí, papia i konsientisá nos poblashon tokante di salú mental. Nos ainda tin e tradishon di stigmatizá, kondená i asta yama esnan ku ta sufri di depreshon òf ansiedat, loko. Hopi di esaki tin entre otro ke ber ku loke sierto religion a imprentá te ku 30 aña pasá den hende via di por ehèmpel katisashi (paragraf 2280-83), esta ku suisidio ta un krímen grandi i un piká kontra di dios.

Ta tempu pa nos stòp ku e legado lamentabel aki i rekonosé ku entre otro desbalanse sikológiko, angustia, ekspektativanan irealistiko, biba riba nos forsa, maluso di alkohol, droga, ekskluson soshal i soledat ta afektá negativamente nos salú mental i por hiba algun di nos na suisidio.

Stigmatisashon i dramatisashon segun ekspertonan no ta yuda e kousa. Silensio tampoko. Mester trata suisidio komo un aspekto di salú públiko. Suisidio mester keda rekonosé komo un intento (desesperá) pa skapa di un sufrimentu ku a bira asina grandi ku e persona no ta mira otro manera pa haña alivio ku no ta morto. Loke tambe nos mester realisá ta ku e persona ei lo a preferá un otro alternativa. Nos no mester kondená e persona ku ta konsiderá suisidio, pero yud’é buska ayudo i haña un alternativa.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

Problema di salú relashoná ku Covid-19 no ta desaparesé después di bakuna

E kampaña pa bakuná kontra Covid-19 ta kana i mi ta konsider’é un éksito. Tambe e kampaña pa mas ku un (1) aña pa frena e malesa kontagioso basá riba kapasidat di kama den hospital. Pero nos mester realisá un kos promé ku nos selebrá. Covid-19 i su konsekuensianan ta muchu mas ku e sòm di konta kama i e kandidat di poblashon ku a bakuná.

Nos mester realisá ku un grupo grandi di persona ku a rekuperá (òf kura) di Covid-19, tambe esnan ku tabatin simptómanan leve, ta keda pa lurgu tempu ku problemanan di salú. E tèrminologia ku ta usa ta ‘post Covid-19 conditions’. Esnan prinsipal ta daño na kurason, pulmón i selebre. E delaster aki por kondusí na Alzheimer, Parkinson i Guillian-Barré. Adishonalmente un grupo grandi di hende ta sufri di depreshon, ansiedat i otro malesa mental. No papia mes di hendenan ku a pèrdè un ser kerí. E siman aki mi a papia ku un hende ku a pèrdè su kasá despues di un matrimonio di 34 aña. Ku awa na wowo e a kontami kuantu di e ta sufri di soledat ku ta keda asentuá pa e lockdown i medida di plachi di number.

Mi no ta médiko, ni mi ta trata di aparentá di ta unu. Loke mi ke atvertí p’e ta pa nos no keda konsentrá solamente riba bakunashon i prevenshon. E ekipo di pandemia mester keda ampliá for di awor ku profeshonalnan pa atendé i ku aspektonan di salú mental i ‘post Covid-19 conditions’. E ekipo ampliá aki mester bin dilanti i duna informashon. Nos no por pèrmití nos mes di ignorá esaki. Final di kuenta, manera Nashonnan Uní a bisa: “We are in this for the long haul”.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

How a charity almost got away with kidnapping 103 African children

There are times when one single story makes us clearly understand the meaning of evil. This is an account about how a French charity group, supposed to care for child victims of a genocide, were caught moments before boarding a plane with 103 little boys and girls they had kidnapped in order to sell them in France for lots of cash.

Zoë’s Arch was founded in 2005 by a group of French four-wheel-drive community who were lured to charity work by the large sums of money donated for the thousands of victims of the Darfur (Sudan) genocide (2003 – ongoing)*. Zoë’s Arc was supposed to provide aid to Sudanese orphans usually under the age of five years old and look for French families to place these children with. So far so good.

In November 2007 Zoë Arc attempts to fly out of Chad (Sudan’s neighbor to the east) with 103 children aged 1-10 to France. The plane was however stopped moments before it was to take off after authorities somehow were alerted. It turned out that these children were not from Darfur and neither were they Sudanese. They were Chadians. They were not orphans either, but kidnapped from their families. The members of the Zoë Arc involved with this scheme are promptly arrested and the children are returned to their loved ones.

In court it becomes clear that some French families paid large sums of money to adopt “the orphans” the French charity had kidnapped. They are sentenced to 8 years hard labor. In a stunning move, Chadian president Idriss Déby (killed this weekend apparently by Chadian rebels) and the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy (jailed last month for corruption) reached a deal: the kidnappers are pardoned and sent to France. Clearly a political deal since Idriss Déby earlier had accused the French organization of “selling (the children) to pedophile organizations in Europe, and even perhaps to kill them and sell their organs.” Déby became a favorite of the Élysée until his demise this weekend. As for the main culprits of the kidnapping, they opened a popular café in Cape Town, South Africa. The Big Box Café is especially popular with kids. According to its website, “here you can play different board games, as many as you want.”

Willemstad, Curaçao

*Author used to work in Chad for the United Nations. In 2007 he set up a “Save Darfur campaign” which was managed by Red Cross Curaçao.

Bòikòt negoshinan ku ta laga trahadó ku no ke bakuná atendé ku kliente

Un dunadó di trabou por èksihí su trahadó aki pa tuma e bakuna kontra di Covid-19? Aparentemente no por.

Pues, parse ku un persona por determiná ku su konvikshon personal ta mas importante ku salubridat públiko. E palabra “públiko” kier men un kolektividat di individuo.

Ami ta kere ku si un dunadó di trabou por demostrá ku den su desishon pa obligá su trahadó bakuná, e a balansá eskoho di e trahadó ku ta ninga bakuna, ku interes di su negoshi, su klientenan i su otro trahadónan, su desishon lo keda honrá pa Korte. I te einan e kaso aki mester keda disidí, den nos Korte imparsial.

Mientras tantu nos komo konsumidó tambe tin un responsabilidat. Si ami sa ku den un negoshi tin un òf mas hende ku no kier bakuná, ami lo bòikotiá e negoshi aki i lo no gasta ni un sèn pretu pa kumpra ningun servisio òf merkansia. Ta bon pa identifiká e negoshinan ku ta laga nan trahadó keda sin bakuná i trese mi bida, bo bida i bida di su koleganan den peliger.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

Much at stake: Elections in Peru


Today, 11 April 2021 , Peruvians will vote for their President. If no candidate gets the majority of votes, the top-two will compete in a runoff on 6 June 2021. The population will also vote today for the country’s two Vice Presidents and 130 members of Congress.

The most important candidates are Verónika Mendoza, a liberal who supports legal abortion and same sex-marriage; George Forsyth, nicknamed “Goalie” is a former goalkeeper for Alianza Lima FC who runs on a law and order agenda; Pedro Castillo, a union man and anti-neoliberal who wants to bring about changes in the constitution in order to facilitate nationalization and other changes in the economy; Hernando De Soto, a free market economist who is considered one of the most important thinkers of his time; Keiko Fujimori, a far-right business administrator and politician against whom prosecutors have filed corruption charges; Rafael López Aliaga nicknamed “Porky”, far-right, member of the extremist fringe cult-like Catholic group, Opus Dei, he’s a firm believer of wild conspiracies and has admitted to “whipping himself often as punishment in order to suppress sexual desires” and Yonhy Lescano, a populist candidate who wants to deglobalize Peru’s economy through protection measures and import substitution.

The stage is set. Truly a diverse electoral menu. The stakes are high though considering Peru is one of the hardest hit by the COVID pandemic, worsened income disparities and corruption cases currently being considered in the courts.

Willemstad, Curaçao

Bai bakuná!

Ounke kon ignorante i tristu bo konsider’é, e realidat ta ku un grupo muchu grandi di hende ta biba den un mundu di fantasia di konspirashon lokual ta stroba e proseso di kombatí i prevení covid-19 via bakuna.

Aña pasá mi a skibi di un movementu “anti-bakuna” (anti-vax) ku fervientemente ta plama e teoria ku hende mester keda leu for di tur vakuna, sigur COVID 19. Ta bisa ku tin “chip” den e bakuna, ku e bakuna mes ta kontené e virus, ku gruponan illuminati (entre otro sernan mitar hende mitar rèptil) ta tras di e pandemia. Asta un èks minister di Enseñansa resientemente a deklará ku “no ta sigur ku covid ta èksistí”.

Na komienso di 2019 e Organisashon Mundial di Salú di Nashonnan Uní (WHO) a designá e movementu anti-vax den e top-5 menasanan mas grandi  pa salubridat mundial. Sifranan ta mustra ku anti-vax den su lucha kontra bakuna kontra sarampi a sòru ku sarampi (un infekshon mortal ku kasi a desaparesé for di pantaya for dia tin un bakuna) mundialmente a subi ku 30%.

P’esei ta prekupante ku sigur un (1) partido ku lo tin representashon den Staten a bisa ku “kada ken ta liber pa tuma e bakuna si òf no.” Kual sea e motibu ku un hende ta skohe pa no tuma vakuna, e mester realisá ku su eksoho personal tin konsekuensia pa su prohimó i salubridat públiko. Ménos hende bakuná, mas difísil ta pa protehá nos komunidat ya ku e malesa lo sigi plama, ounke mas poko poko.

Ta importante pa nos papia e mesun idioma: “Bai bakuná”. Tur partido, religioso, organisashonnan no-gubernamental, mester stimulá nos komunidat pa bai bakuná i sigi tene distansia físiko, bisti tapa boka i evitá aglomerashon. Si algun bes den nos historia tabatin e nesesidat pa uni, t’esaki. Bai bakuná.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

Atministrashon di adrès bruwá manera bòl di hilu

Siman pasá mi a haña 5 karchi pa vota di 5 diferente hende ku supuestamente ta biba na mi adrès den mi “brievenbus”. Mi no sa ken nan ta, pero ofishalmente nan ta biba serka mi. Esaki kier men si kualkier dia, pa un òf otro rason outoridatan mester di un di nan ku ofishalmente segun Kranshi ta registrá na mi adrès, nan lo hasi un enredada (inval) ku un apoderashon di Korte na mi adrès. Un situashon hipotétiko? No na Kòrsou.

Ta posibel bai Kranshi i deklará ku for di awe bo no ta biba na e adrès unda bo ta registrá i deklará ku bo ta muda bai biba na laga nos bisa Kaya Saguaro # 123. Esaki, sea ku e doño di kas na Kaya Saguaro # 123 ta na altura òf no. Òf si e konosebo òf laga. Kranshi ta tuma bo deklarashon i hasi e kambio. Wak:https://alexdavidrosaria.blog/2018/12/06/bo-sa-ken-ta-registra-na-bo-adres/

Pa hasi e situashon mas ridíkulo ainda, si abo ku ta biba i ta dońo di kas na Kaya Saguaro # 123 bai reklamá Kranshi i pidi pa kambio, nan ta eksihí un pèrmit di esun ku ilegalmente a inskribí su mes na bo adrès.

Esnan ku a pasa den e trastorno aki por konta di nan frustashon ku e situashon i sigur esnan ku a èksperensiá e spantu ora un batayon di agente armá drenta nan kas en buska di kriminal i evidensia kriminal. I no papia mes di e kantidat di hende ku kier a vota, pero no tabata por pa motibu di Kranshi.

Mas ku tur kos, e situashon ku mi a deskribí ta indikativo di un pais den desorden. Mester tuma akshon òf nos ta warda pa Hulanda hala nos orea? Mi a komprondé ku no ta asuntu di falta di lei , pero falta di aplikashon di e lei.

Willemstad, Kòrsou