Basta stigmatisá, atendé ku suisidio


Tur  aña tin 16 mión intento di suisidio rònt mundu. Di nan, 800,000 ta resultá den suisidio. Pues kada 40 sekònde un hende ta mata su kurpa. Riba 10 di òktober Nashonnan Uní (UN) a deklará Dia Internashonal pa Prevenshon di Suisidio ku meta pa konsientisá i prevení.

Sigun datonan di UN, Kòrsou pa kada 100,000 suidadano ta registrá 4.6 suisidio na aña 2010. Ounke ku esaki ta hopi mas abou ku sifranan di 2016 di Sürnam (23.2) i Hulanda (9.6) e ta mas haltu ku nos rumannan Karibense: Barbados (0.4), Antigua & Barbuda (0.5), Bahamas (1,6) Grenada (1.7) Jamaica (2.0) i St Vincent (2.4).

Lo ta bon pa ekspertonan na un manera habrí papia i konsientisá nos poblashon tokante e tema aki. Nos ainda tin e tradishon di stigmatizá, kondená i asta yama esnan ku a kometé (òf hasi intento di) suisidio, loko. E ta relatá na e tradishon di Iglesia Katóliko di hopi siglo di p.e. ninga un entiero Katóliko na un persona Katóliko ku a mata su kurpa i bai asina leu di bisa ku e “lo no por “drenta shelu”.

Stigmatisashon i dramatisashon segun ekspertonan no ta yuda e kousa. Silensio tampoko. Mester trata suisidio komo un aspekto di salú públiko. Suisidio mester keda rekonosé komo un intento (desesperá) pa skapa di un sufrimentu ku a bira asina grandi ku e persona no ta mira otro manera pa haña alivio ku no ta morto. Loke tambe nos mester realisá ta ku e persona ei lo a preferá un otro alternativa. Nos no mester kondená e persona ku ta konsiderá suisidio, pero yud’é haña un alternativa.

Seoul, Repúblika di Korea

10-10-10 no ta dia di outonomia



Yama 10-10-10 “Dia di Outonomia” ta muestra di ignoransia di nos historia emansipatorio. Na 10-10-10 Antia Hulandes a keda desmantelá. Pa yama e fecha aki “Dia di Outonomia” ta hasi manera ta na e momentu ei nos a haña outonomia. No ta bèrdat.

Riba 10-10-10 Kòrsou a bira outónomo den Reino despues ku for di 1951 e tabata outónomo den bachi di Antia Hulandes (AH). Es mas, riba 10-10-10 Kòrsou a bira ménos outónomo ku AH tabata. Loke nos a hasi riba e fecha ei ta sali for di AH. Tabatin sigur tres otro fecha akordá pa Konseho di Minister pa desmantelá, pero ku no a logra. 10-10-10 a subi mesa na momentu ku un konsehero a kombensé algun minister ku e fecha ta “zona bon”. Mi tabata den e reunion en kuestion.

E proklamashon deskabeyá aki ta ignorá e kuantioso akshonnan di nos antepasadonan den e lucha pa outonomia. Outonomia no tabata un pakete ku a surgi riba un dia i sigur no riba 10-10-10. Bo tin e promé Parlamento ku a keda instalá na aprel 1938. Interim Regeling ku a sòru pa outonomia interno na febrüari 1951 i despues, Statüt na desèmber 1954. Na 1948 un lei nobo a proklamá ku tur hòmber i muhé por a vota. I asina tin hopi mas momentu den nos historia ku a kontribuí na outonomia inkluso loke Staten na 1946 a yama “e promé paso pa gobernashon propio”, esta nombramentu di un representante di nos pais na Hulanda. Esnan grandi den nos lucha pa outonomia e.o. a keda rekonosé pa Staten na 2013 (Moises da Costa Gomez, Abraham Chumaceiro, Généreux de Lima) i otronan no-rekonosé ainda, Charles de la Try Ellis i Damanan di Djarason.

Yama 10-10 “Dia di Outonomia” ta un falsifikashon di historia i un sla den kara di esnan ku a lucha pa mas ku 150 aña pa loke nos tin awe. E ta un intento pa adorashon propio. Bo ke selebrá 10-10 na 2019? Yamé Dia di Desmantelashon di Antia Ulandes. Yamé Dia di Kòrsou Outónomo den Reino. E no ta “Dia di Outonomia”.

Seoul, Repúblika di Korea

9 aña ta warda e florin Karibense


Mas o ménos 2 aña promé ku 10-10-10 a disidí ku “mas pronto posibel despues di desmantelashon di Antia Hulandes lo introdusí un moneda nobo pa e union monetario Kòrsou i Sint Maarten”. E moneda a haña nòmber di florin Karibense (Caribbean guilder) i e abreviashon CMG (“C” pa Kòrsou i “M” pa Sint Maarten). Tambe lo a eliminá biyete di 25 pa un biyete di 20. Nuebe aña despues di desmantelashon no tin CMG i ketu bai ta usa moneda di un pais no-eksistente.

Banda di sigui usa moneda di Antia Hulandes, no tin ningun mekanismo pa harmonisá/kordiná sierto maneho makroekonómiko entre Kòrsou i Sint Maarten manera ta e kaso den tur union monetario eksistente na mundu. Ningun di e dos paisnan sa si nan ke keda aden òf ta bula for di e union. Kòrsou i Sint Maarten a bisa na aprel 2014 di lo bai studia si mester keda den e union monetario i/òf mester introdusí US dòlar of euro, pero na yüli 2015, riba mi pregunta, minister di Finansa ta bisa ku “un estudio riba e union monetario no ta un prioridat”. Nos ta den un matrimonio monetario pero kada ken ta kue su propio kaminda. Wak por ehèmpel e “groeistrategie” i bo ta kere sigur ku Kòrsou no ta den un union monetario.

E desishon pa forma un union monetario tabata deskabeyá, sin fundeshi ekonómiko.  Mi a remarká esaki for di 2006 siendo e úniko mandatario ku a protestá. E manera ku ta atendé ku e tema kombiná ku tur e dramanan rònt di Banko Sentral no ta traha den nos bentaha komo pais i nos ambishon di ta un sentro finansiero stabil i konfiabel. Nos historia di posponé desishonnan klave a kosta nos karu. Esaki lo no ta un eksepshon.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

Thank you Mia Mottley for speaking on behalf of the Caribbean on climate change

Climate change / sea-level rise in Fiji

Last week Prime Minister of Barbados, Ms. Mia Amor Mottley, told the 74th United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) that many Caribbean islands will not survive the effects of global climate change, even in the unlikely event that countries abide by the two-degree rise in temperature, as outlined in the Paris Agreement. See video. Earlier Ms. Mottley during the Understanding Risk Caribbean Conference called for greater harmonization, exchange and learning of resilient planning strategies in the Caribbean.

Whilst many Caribbean leaders are following Babados, in Curaçao our policy makers, civil society, academic institutions have yet to adequately address the needs of our island regarding this matter. Not only that. Some politicians here mock the few who tirelessly try to raise awareness regarding climate change by calling them “enemy of the people”. Others want to entirely eliminate the Planning and Zoning Ordinance (EOP) -a nuisance for certain politicians and developers- in favor of total deregulation.

Thankfully Ms. Mottley spoke on behalf of many of us who are represented by representatives who prefer to remain mute and only concentrate on the periodic cycle of elections unaware that this topic will not go away and could easily -sooner than later- end up turning into a full-blown crisis. Yes, fighting crime, dealing with depopulation, poverty and the education crisis, are acute and should be dealt with. Remember however that many of today’s problems were once remote problems we chose not to deal with.

Willemstad, Curaçao

Who decides what it means to be YdK?



I’m a born and raised Curaçaoan, a Yu di Kòrsou (YdK), but when I returned to my island after nearly 15 years in the US, Chad, and Nicaragua, I was seen as a ‘local foreigner’ with ‘strange views’ on some issues compared to those who mostly never left the island. Did I change? Absolutely. Did I have (still have) ideas that were conceived by what I’d call best practices abroad that could be implemented or discussed here? Yes. Wait, hasn’t it been proven that a balanced influx of new people and ideas contribute to growth, dynamism and progress? 

It’s mind boggling how our young minds who every year embark on their studies abroad are told “to soon return” yet we don’t exactly roll out the red carpet when they do. The same politicians who waved them away lambast them for having earned a title, for having acquired a different take on life, music, eating habits and what not. How are we going to convince them to return? Remember, we’re in a population crisis with rampant depopulation and aging. (I haven’t even talked about the financial and housing issues that hamper our diaspora from returning). 

We need a strategic policy on immigration and diaspora. As part of this strategy we have to have a conversation about how much we expect the (returning) immigrants to give up of themselves to fit in. Can they keep their heritage, culture, language, (acquired) eating habits, taste in music and sports? Who has the recipe, who decides? Do we want assimilation, integration or a common set of values (unconditional love for this island) that unite us? 

It’s obvious that we can’t afford to hold on to antiquated ideas and definitions of the YdK regarding skin color, origin or whether he can dance tambú or not. History has taught us that those who blindly cling to tradition, unwilling to change or open up to the world, eventually perish. George Lichtveld nailed it when he said that we can’t go on practicing small-town syndrome. We need to celebrate our diversity, open up to new things and have a global focus.

Willemstad, Curaçao


Sent from my iPad

Guera Saudi Arabia i Yemen spliká den 7 punto


E guera na Yemen ku a start na 2015 no a haña mashá kobertura te awor.  Kos a kambia sinembargo. E atake ayera di instalashonnan petrolero di Amranco (doño di Motiva anteriormente interesá den Refineria Isla) na Saudi Arabia ya a sòru pa subida di preis di petroli i un krísis. E atake no ta un sorpresa, pero resultado durante tempu di geopolítika i eksklushon polítiko.

Algun detaye di Yemen

Yemen ta un union (1990) di: Yemen Arab Republic (Nort Yemen) i People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (Sur Yemen), den Asia na e parti suit di e península Arabia. Sur Yemen tabata komunista i dominá pa Union Soviétiko. Nort Yemen,  neutral ku bon relashon ku Saudi Arabia i mundu oksidental. Sr. Ali Abdullah Saleh, anteriormente presidente di Nort Yemen a bira e promé presidente di Yemen.

Divishon religioso

Pa komprondé e konflikto Yemení mester bai na e divishon entre Musulman Sunni i Shia ku a originá despues di morto di Profeta Muhammad. E Sunninan tabata ke un susesor skohé a base di tradishon tribal. Segun e Shianan e susesor mester ta un famia di e Profeta. Ku tempu e diferenshanan entre nan dos a krese. Awe 80% di tur Musulman ta Sunni. Na Yemen tin 55% Sunni i 43% Shia di kua e mayoria ta Shia Zaidi. Kontrali na tur skol Sunni i Shia ku ta ambishoná unidat, Zaidinan ta konsiderá nan obligashon religioso di bringa esnan korupto/inhustu ounke esaki trese divishon.

Primavera Yemení

Inspirá pa e moveshon “Primavera Árabe” na Tunesia i Egipto pa mas demokrasia (2011) a surgi protestanan na Yemen pa presidente Saleh (un Zaidi) baha. Pueblo a kulp’é pa korupshon, pobresa i diktatura prinsipalmente ora a lèk ku Saleh tabata prepará su yu pa tuma poder. Bou di preshon na 2012 Sr. Saleh ta pasa poder pa Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi (un Sunni) ku despues ta haña 99% di voto den un elekshon komo úniko kandidato.

Di primavera pa pesadia

Sr. Hadi tabatin un mandato di 3 aña (pero a keda sinta mas largu) pa trese kambio i mas partisipashon Shia. Na 2015 Zaidinan ku for di añanan 90 a lanta e grupo Houthi pa protestá kontra poder Sunni, a logra kore ku Hadi pasombra pa nan e no a kumpli ku e reformanan primintí. Sr. Hadi, ku ta rekonosé pa komunidat internashonal komo presidente, ta den eksilio na Saudi Arabia.


E konflikto a eskalá ora Saudi Arabia i algun pais Sunni, sostené pa Merka na 2015 a kuminsá bombardeá posishonnan Houthi pa asina reestablesé Sr. Hadi. Ta akusá Iran di ta sostené Houthi pero nan ta ninga. Tuma nota ku Zaidinan ta independiente di e dogma Shia di Iran, Irak i Libanon. Miéntras tantu Sr. Hadi i e Houthinan ta konsiderá nan mes e gobièrnu legítimo. E guera sivil a kousa vários mil morto i tin un falta agudo di alimentashon. E Houthinan tambe ta kontribuí na e krísis (no na eskala di Saudi Arabia) strobando yudansa humanitario i maltratando oponentenan.

Houthinan ganando un bataya kostoso

Apesar di bombardeo, Houthinan no solamente ta sobrebibí pero ta atministrá e pais. E poder militar superior di Saudi Arabia riba papel no a stòp e Houthinan. Ademas, demasiado di e bombardeonan ta mal ehekutá lokual a resultá den morto di hopi mil sivil inosente. Tin tur indikashon ku e atrosidatnan di Saudi Arabia mas bien ta unifikando Yemen tras di e Houthinan. Tambe, mas debilitá e Houthinan, mas ta empoderá e gruponan terorista ISIS i al Qaeda ku ya kaba ta presente na Yemen. Otro komplikashon ta ku e region di antes Sur Yemen, ta konsiderando pa opta pa independensia loke por empeorá stabilidat den hinter region.

Kiko lo pasa?

Saudi Arabia ainda no a kulpa Iran p’e atakenan, pero si a bisa ku e armanan usá ta Iraní. Iran a ninga kulpabilidat mientras e Houthinan ta asumí responsabilidat i ta atvertí pa mas atake. Merka ta kla pa drenta akshon militar. Un kos ta sigur, e atake aki ta un ‘game changer’ den sentido ku aparentemente un grupo sin un (1) avion militar por efektuá atake ku drone ku ta kousa miles di mion dòlar na daño. Mientras tantu produkshon di petrolí a keda afektá. Esaki i e menasa di eskalashon a pone preis di petroli subi (i lo por sigi subi) lokual por aselerá un krisis mundial i un reseshon ekonómiko na Merka ku tin algun luna kaba ta vislumbrá.

Willemstad, Curaçao

Noncompliant Curaçao unable to increase export


Yes, we need to export more as the Curaçao government informercial tells us daily on television, obviously referring to the “Growth Strategy”. What we need to realize however is that (increasing) export is not a random event. First, you need goods and services that have a competitive advantage and that other people want. Competitiveness in turn depends on above all, productivity, flexible labor and capital markets and cost of doing business. In this area we don’t score well. In order to export you also need a good trade network. Here we score zero.

According to the World Trade Organization (WTO) there are 524 trade agreements in existence in the world. Curaçao has none and is among a handful of nations without one. A trade agreement means that participating countries phase out tariffs on merchandise trade, reduce restrictions on trade in services and foreign investment. A Curaçao product for lack of a trade agreement with let’s say Canada will be more expensive in Canada due to tariffs and non tariff barriers compared to an identical product exported from Barbados into Canada if there is a trade agreement between Barbados and Canada.

You could say that all we need to do in this case is negotiate a trade agreement with Canada. Wrong. Not only don’t we have trade agreements with anyone, but we are unable to enter into one. This, because we have broken our international obligations and are noncompliant. No country will even negotiate with us without facing repercussions. We can still export, but our goods and services face steep barriers and tariffs.

Reason for our trade isolation and noncompliance stems from the 70s when we introduced a very strict protection policy with levies of up to 90%, costing consumers dearly and making some people very rich. While protection in those days was used in some countries to temporarily stimulate infant industries, here it lasted for more than 40 years and became a ‘right’ protected by some politicians. On the eve of the creation of the WTO in 1994 we were told in Marrakesh that we were violating our GATT (General Agreements on Trade and Tariffs) agreements from 1948. No steps were taken to correct this however. Since we are noncompliant WTO members could impose trade sanction on us which could end up costing us millions.

In 2005, the first decision I took as Minister of Economic Affairs was to scrap protection. We protected an internal market of 150,000 for decades instead of looking for export markets via trade agreements. The price we are still paying for this failed policy is trade isolation and possible sanctions.

The first priority is to engage with our partners to become compliant. I held two high-level meetings with the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) to resolve this matter. In a letter dated 14 March, 2007 the USTR informed me that: “We feel that your offer is in the right direction. There are just two outstanding issues.”

Since 2009 the Curaçao government chose however not to build on the progress made. After “10-10-10” a brand new ball game started due to the dismantling of the Netherlands Antilles. Since Curaçao government has opted for a totally different and complicated path, it seems according to an internal memo that it will take at least 10 years for Curaçao to become compliant in 2029.

It’s a specialized matter and not easy to wrap your head around it. What’s not complicated to understand is that in a world with an ever-growing amount of trade agreements, not having one will increasingly make us isolated whilst our economy, balance of payments and foreign reserves continue to deteriorate. Let’s not continue to fool ourselves into thinking that increasing export can be achieved without a definite plan or purpose.

Willemstad, Curaçao